TEHRAN -- The establishment of the Safavid state in Iran was not a sudden political development or simply the result of one dynasty’s ambitions, but the culmination of centuries of political, social and religious transformations, historians said at a book review session in Tehran.
The remarks were made during the unveiling and review of Political and Religious Backgrounds to the Establishment of the First Shia State in Iran, authored by Amir Timour Rafiei and published by Soroush Publications. The event was held at the National Library and Archives of Iran, bringing together historians, researchers and academics.
Mohsen Alviri and Javad Heravi reviewed the book, examining its historical arguments, research methodology and contribution to understanding the emergence of the Safavid dynasty.
Alviri emphasized the importance of critical academic discussion and said the book’s title needed greater precision, particularly in defining the concept of the first Shia state. He noted that several Shia governments, including the Alavids of Tabaristan, the Buyids and the Sarbadars, had existed in Iran before the Safavids.
He suggested that distinguishing between Twelver Shiism, local governments and a unified national state would help clarify the book’s central argument.
Alviri also questioned whether some of the historical developments discussed in the book were sufficiently connected to the emergence of the Safavid state. He called for stronger chapter conclusions, a comprehensive final analysis and a more extensive review of previous scholarship.
He further highlighted the importance of religious institutions, seminaries, Shia literature and shrines in spreading Shia beliefs beyond scholarly circles and among wider sections of society before the Safavid period.
Heravi, meanwhile, defended the book’s title and overall structure, saying that a distinction should be made between local Shia governments and a state capable of unifying a large part of Iran under a common political and religious identity.
He described the Safavid state as a turning point in Iranian history, noting that earlier Shia governments differed from it in geographical reach and political organization.
Heravi praised the book’s use of historical sources, including more
 than 500 books and references and around 50 academic articles. He also highlighted its descriptive-analytical research approach, structured presentation and reliance on historical evidence rather than ideological judgments.
Responding to the reviews, Rafiei said his research originated from a longstanding question about whether Shah Ismail I had independently established the Safavid state and made Twelver Shiism the official religion, or whether these developments had emerged from deeper historical processes.
He described Shah Ismail as having harvested the fruit of a tree that had grown over centuries through Iran’s political and religious transformations.
Rafiei explained that the book examines four major stages: Iranian movements and uprisings during the early Islamic centuries; the emergence of Iranian dynasties and efforts to restore political independence; the consequences of the Mongol invasion and the fall of the Abbasid caliphate, which created new conditions for Shiite movements; and finally, the establishment of the Safavid state under Shah Ismail.
He stressed that understanding Iran’s post-Islamic political history requires examining religious movements, scholarly networks and social developments alongside political events.
Rafiei acknowledged that some more recent research, including Alviri’s work on Shia intellectual and political life between the fall of Baghdad and the rise of the Safavids, could have strengthened the book’s research background. He attributed its omission partly to the lengthy preparation and publication process.